India-Saudi ties

Better late than never

Shitanshu Shekhar Shukla
New Delhi, March 5

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s recent visit to Saudi Arabia has been widely hailed as path breaking. The initiative however rests with Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz visiting India in January 2006, a little less than six months after assuming office.

Although he signed Delhi Declaration forming a strategic energy partnership between the two countries, the initiative was not immediately seized to explore beyond the pure business partnership. This visit was important because it was the first by a Saudi monarch in five decades.

India took almost four years to tread the path last week with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's Saudi Arabia trip. Indira Gandhi was the last Prime Minister to have visited Saudi Arabia in 1982.

However, Riyadh Declaration and the several agreements inked, most significantly the Extradition Treaty, were signs of attempt to make up for the lost opportunities.

The extradition treaty signed between both the countries was particularly seen as more favourable to India than to Saudis. It assumes significance because Saudi Arabia has always been closer to Pakistan than India. The terrorists have a safe abode in Pakistan from where they can freely move across Saudi Arabia. The extradition treaty of course operates only after a legal conviction, however it may work as deterrent.
At the OIC, Saudi Arabia has always stood by Pakistan and against India, particularly on the subject of Kashmir. And across many countries, including India, Saudi charities have been openly involved in funding madrasas that fuel jihadi hate.

Besides, Saudis’ denunciation of the Taliban and expression of concern over rising extremism in Pakistan terrorism was music to Indian ears.

The growing evidence of collaboration between Al-Qaida and Taliban, Pakistan's proxies, may have sensitized the Saudi kingdom to the repercussions of Islamabad's policy of using terrorist groups to promote its strategic goals.

The denunciation of terrorism must have been in knowledge that India’s enemy LeT is a Saudi-influenced Wahhabi organisation, with strong ideological and financial ties to Saudi Arabia.
Stephen Tankel of Carnegie quoted the US treasury department to write, "In 2003, LeT's chief of finance began to work with the leaders of the group's Saudi branch on expanding its organisation and increasing its fundraising activities." Besides, Indian Mujahideen, SIMI are all LeT’s Indian-origin cadres. Even ISI's Karachi Project is reported to be an assignment to the LeT.

Manmohan Singh said, "My feeling is that the Saudi Arabian leadership has a better understanding of the predicament that we face both in Pakistan and in Afghanistan. There is great deal of sympathy and support for India's point of view, that what we are asking is very reasonable.''


However Manmohan Singh was being too optimistic when he asked Saudi Arabia to get Pakistan to mend its ways. Because it will need a leap of faith. Extradition treaty can’t be extended optimism. Saudi exerts enormous control over Pakistan and enjoys its confidence. It has bailed them out in times of economic crisis and provided safe shelters to exiled Prime Ministers besides funding Islamist extremist organisations like Lashkar-e-Toiba and Pakistan's nuclear programme. Riyadh has deep stakes in the viability and stability of Pakistan.
Former diplomat G Parthasarathy said it was a serious mistake to expect that Saudi Arabia, home of organisations funding Islamist extremism, will in any way be sensitive to Indian concerns. "I find it demeaning that India should be asking Saudi Arabia to bail us out of our problems with Pakistan," he said.

According to K C Singh, former envoy to the UAE, the move reflected naivety and lack of knowledge of the workings of the Islamic world. "The Saudis are so thickly enmeshed with the Pakistanis, they are not going to respect India for this," he said.

Saudi Arabia will not suddenly switch affections from Pakistan to India. But the treaties promise an evolving strategic partnership between Riyadh and New Delhi. It can at least introduce an element of uncertainty in what was earlier a simple petroleum-based relationship between Riyadh and Islamabad.

The significance of Manmohan’s over reach also lies in Saudi Arabia playing an important role in trying to mediate with the Taliban (but not Al Qaida, which is committed to destroying the Saudi royalty).
More so when India’s legitimate security interests in Afghanistan have fallen on deaf ears of the US-UK combine which prefers to heed the Pakistani line. However, Indian hopes to squeeze in through Saudi will not be met at the cost of Pakistan. Because Saudi Arabia wants to protect Pakistan's interests, and ensure Pakistan's stability by working out a modus vivendi with the Taliban. India wants to limit Pakistan's pernicious role in Afghanistan.